Seeing by Annie Dillard Summary Analysis free essay sample

1A. Dillards essay focuses on how we see, what we see, and why we see. She begins with a short story about how as a child she used to hide pennies. Hiding pennies for strangers to find brought her joy, and was simply her doing for the greater good. Dillard stated how she had been thinking about seeing, â€Å"there are lots of things to see, unwrapped gifts and free surprises†. This was only the start of young Dillards philosophy on how to properly view the world. One of the ideas being that we can see if only we care enough to find them (the pennies in this case). The more devoted people are to discovering things, the more likely they will be to succeed. The penny idea fades into a metaphor for the act of seeing, helping intro the essay which studies the different ways in which we see. We will write a custom essay sample on Seeing by Annie Dillard: Summary Analysis or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page 1B. A large theme expressed in Dillards essay is spirituality. This essay comes from a Pilgrim at Tinker Creek; pilgrim can be defined as a person on a religious journey, which starts off the theme of religion. Dillard is talking about laying in bed at night, she talks about laying in bed with her eyes opened and she sees darkness. She continues to explain when her eyes are closed she can see the stars, â€Å"If we are blinded by darkness, we are also blinded by the light†. At first light and dark to me meant nothing but I later realized after it was continuously mentioned it was a relation to good and evil. For Dillard, seeing is a religious experience in which she feels herself in the presence of something greater than herself. The metaphors Dillards uses are to quietly slip in religion without forcing the idea upon others. Relating to the overall piece religion is a way Dillard sees and hopes away others wish to see. When seeing good always comes with seeing evil, and vise versa.2. The penny idea instantly caught my attention in relation to my own life. When I was around nine my best friend and I used to super glue coins to the ground outside her house, we would sit there for hours and watch people pass and attempt to pick them up. It was so funny because no one could pick them up. Looking back on it, after reading Dillards piece, what kind of person would this make me? Dillard as a young child did it to brighten up peoples day, I did it to brighten up my own. Those who stopped and attempted to pick the coins up were people filled with devotion and those who passed were too caught up in their own affairs.

Reflexive Pronouns in Spanish

Reflexive Pronouns in Spanish Reflexive pronouns are used in Spanish and English whenever the subject of a verb is also its object. In other words, reflexive pronouns are used when the subject of a sentence is acting on itself. An example is the me in me veo (and the corresponding myself in I see myself), where the person seeing and the person seen are the same. Verbs used with a reflexive pronoun are known either as reflexive verbs or pronominal verbs. This lesson covers the reflexive pronouns that are used with verbs. Spanish also has reflexive pronouns used with prepositions. The 5 Reflexive Pronouns Used With Verbs Verbal reflexive pronouns are used in much the same way as direct-object and indirect-object pronouns; they typically precede the verb or can be attached to the infinitive, imperative verb, or gerund. Here are the verbal reflexive pronouns along with their English equivalents: me - myself - Me lavo. (I am washing myself.) Voy a elegirme. (I am going to choose myself.)te - yourself (informal) -  ¿Te odias? (Do you hate yourself?)  ¿Puedes verte? (Can you see yourself?)se - himself, herself, itself, themselves, yourself (formal), yourselves (formal), each other - Roberto se adora. (Roberto adores himself.) La nià ±a prefiere vestirse. (The girl likes to dress herself.) La historia se repite. (History repeats itself.) Se compran los regalos. (They are buying themselves gifts, or they are buying each other gifts.)  ¿Se afeita Ud.? (Do you shave yourself?) El gato se ve. (The cat sees himself.)nos - ourselves, each other - Nos respetamos. (We respect ourselves, or we respect each other.) No podemos vernos. (We cant see each other, or we cant see ourselves.)os - yourselves (informal, used primarily in Spain), each other - Es evidente que os querà ©is. (Its obvious that you love each other, or its obvious you love yourselves.) Podà ©is ayudaros . (You can help yourselves, or you can help each other.) As you can see from the above examples, the plural pronouns in Spanish can be translated using the English reflexive pronouns or the phrase each other. (Technically, grammarians would call the latter usage of the Spanish pronoun reciprocal rather than reflexive.) Usually, context will make clear the more likely translation. Thus, while nos escribimos conceivably could mean we write to ourselves, it most often would mean we write to each other. If necessary, a phrase can be added for clarification, such as in se golpean el uno a otro (they are hitting each other) and se golpean a sà ­ mismos (they are hitting themselves). Reflexive pronouns should not be confused with English constructions such as I myself am buying the gift. In that sentence (which could be translated to Spanish as yo mismo compro el regalo), myself isnt being used as a reflexive pronoun but as a way of adding emphasis. Sample Sentences Using Reflexive Pronouns  ¿Por quà © me enojo tanto? (Why do I get mad at myself so much?) Voy a cocinarme una tortilla de papas y queso. (Im going to cook a potato and cheese omelet for myself. This is an example of attaching the pronoun to an infinitive.)  ¿Cà ³mo te hiciste daà ±o? (How did you hurt yourself?) Los gatos se limpian instintivamente para quitarse el olor cuando han comido. (Cats clean themselves instinctively to get rid of the odor when they have eaten.) Nos consolamos los unos a los otros con nuestra presencia humana. (We comforted each other with our human presence.) Se videograbà ³ bailando y envià ³ el archivo a mi agente. (She videotaped herself dancing and sent the file to my agent.) Mà ©dico, cà ºrate a ti mismo. (Physician, heal thyself. The reflexive pronoun is attached to a verb in the imperative mood.) Estamos dndonos por quien somos y lo que hacemos. (We are holding ourselves responsible for who we are and what we do. This is example of attending the reflexive pronoun to a gerund.) Hay dias que no hay dias que no me entiendo entiendo. (There are days I dont understand myself.) Nos consolamos con dulces. (We comforted ourselves with candy.) Los dos se buscaron toda la noche. (The two looked for each other all night.) Le gusta escucharse dndome à ³rdenes. (He likes listening to himself giving me orders.) Key Takeaways Spanish have five pronouns for use when the subject of a verb is also its object.When a subject is plural, the reflexive pronoun can be translated using either a form such as ourselves or each other, depending on the context.Reflexive pronouns precede the verb or can be attached to an infinitive or gerund.

Inferno and Infernal

Inferno and Infernal Inferno and Infernal Inferno and Infernal By Maeve Maddox When I see the word inferno, I think fire, but originally, the word did not carry the connotation of intense heat. The association with burning derives from beliefs taught by some religions about the afterlife. The OED offers only one definition of inferno: Hell; a place of torment or misery compared to hell; a place likened in some respect to the Inferno of Dantes Divine Comedy. Merriam-Webster offers three definitions of inferno: 1. a place or a state of torment and suffering. 2. a place that resembles or suggests hell in being dark, noisy, chaotic, lawless. 3. intense heat. English speakers, British as well as American, use inferno to mean an intense conflagration: Tracking the inferno: where wildfires are hitting California, other states hardest- The Guardian. Scientists find planets that survived red giant inferno- The London Times. Thirty people feared dead and 40 more injured after shopping centre inferno causes mall to collapse in Russia  - The Daily Mail. Multiple fire departments reported to the scene of the inferno just after 7 p.m. Sunday, and spent nearly the next 12 hours battling the blaze.- Galloway Patch (New Jersey). Small Fire Becomes Inferno, Burning Homes in California- New York Times.   Like inferno, the adjective that derives from it, infernal, refers to the realm of the dead or a place of punishment after death: Paradise Lost  opens with the fallen angels in hell. Mammon proposes that they build an infernal kingdom of their own, imitating the majesty of heaven through the material riches of the kingdom of hell. Infernal is commonly used as a synonym for hellish, damnable, damned, diabolical, and fiendish. Here are some examples: City Tells Ice Cream Trucks To Keep That Infernal Racket  Down When will these so-called â€Å"voters† stop with their infernal meddling? Will you stop with your infernal fear-mongering? Gatlin and his ilk have brought not only themselves down with their infernal lies  but the whole athletics community. I turned my eye towards him and immediately caught his eye, which he kept staring upon me for more than a minute, with the most infernal expression I have ever seen upon a human face. An â€Å"infernal machine† is â€Å"a machine or apparatus maliciously designed to explode and destroy life or property, especially one in the form of something harmless. For example: To greet the Princes return to Sofia this month, the Chief of the Russian Secret Police sent him an  infernal machine disguised as a  box of the finest cigars.- Sherlock Holmes and The Case of The Bulgarian Codex, Tim Symonds, 2012. Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Vocabulary category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:15 Terms for Those Who Tell the FutureUse a Dash for Number RangesUsing "May" in a Question

The Bird Flu in the United Kingdom Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

The Bird Flu in the United Kingdom - Essay Example Sturcke and Batty (2006) report stated that as many as 46 countries have recorded bird flu cases in Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas. Aside from being a health risk, the bird flu is also a massive economic threat. Freeman (2005) stated that "the UK has about 120 million poultry, including chickens, turkeys, ducks and geese, worth 1.3 billion a year. About 25 per cent of the egg-laying flock are kept outdoors and about 10 per cent of chickens raised for meat are free-range." (Sturcke, J. & Batty, D., 2006. Q&A: Bird flu [online], The Guardian, 27 April, viewed 14 May, 2006, http://www.guardian.co.uk/birdflu/story/0,,1591620,00.html) Boseley and Watt (2005) reported that after a meeting of EU veterinarians on the problem of bird flu, the British Veterinary Association's President stated that bird flu is inevitably going to arrive in the UK[and] there is a small but real danger that migrating wild birds could bring us a highly dangerous strain of the virus. (Boseley, S. & Watt, N., 2005. Vets say arrival of bird flu in UK is inevitable [online], The Guardian, 26 August, viewed 14 May, 2006, http://www.guardian.co.uk/birdflu/story/0,14207,1556846,00.html) In a 2006 report, Sturcke and Batty stated incidents of the bird flu virus in the United Kingdom. A dead swan was found in Cellardyke and a parrot died in an Essex quarantine zone. Both incidents occurred in 2005, and both birds were found to have died from the H5N1 virus. In a farm west of Norwich, a number of chickens were found to have tested positive of the less deadly H7 strain of bird flu, which also infects humans. (Sturcke, J. & Batty, D., 2006. Q&A: Bird flu [online], The Guardian, 27 April, viewed 14 May, 2006, http://www.guardian.co.uk/birdflu/story/0,,1591620,00.html ) Needless to say, the alarm and threat of a widespread bird flu infection has prompted the UK government to take various measures in an attempt to prevent such a pandemic. BBC News (2006) reported that one such step was the UK's ban on imports of live chickens from Croatia, Turkey, Romania, Russia, Kazakhstan, Thailand, Cambodia, China, Hong Kong, Laos, Indonesia, Vietnam, Pakistan, Malaysia, South Africa, and North Korea, where bird flu outbreaks have occurred. (BBC News, 2006. Britain's bird flu preparations [online]. viewed 14 May, 2006, .) The finding of dead swans in Fife and in Scotland prompted government to create a huge exclusion zone to prevent any further spread of the bird flu virus. Henderson, Macleod and English (2006) reported that a 1,000 square mile exclusion zone was set up, stretching from the Forth Road Bridge, north of Edinburgh, to Stonehaven in the north east and Perth in the north west. It greatly expands the 3km (1.8 mile) radius protection zone and 10km (6.2 mile) surveillance zone established around Cellardyke. (Henderson, M., Macleod, A., & English, S., 2006. 1,000 sq mile exclusion zone set up to combat risk of virus spreading [online], The Times, 07 April, viewed 14 May, 2006, http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,25149-2122749,00.html) Within that exclusion zone, there are found around 3.1 million domestic birds kept on about 175 poultry farms and would require that owners of 48 free-range farms will have to bring their

Different Research Methods Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Different Methods - Research Paper Example uthors believed that â€Å"a deeper understanding of these transitions is required in order to assist prospective science teachers during their pre-service years and support them during their early years in schools† (Mulholland & Wallace, 2007, p.880). To achieve their objective, the researchers designed a qualitative research through the use of a longitudinal case study. With two Australian primary teachers as participants, the research lasted for four years documenting their transition from pre-service to in-service teaching. The constructivist/interpretative approach was used as the framework for the research with â€Å"case study as its organizing perspective† (Mulholland & Wallace, 2007, p.880). Adopting a constructivist/ interpretative framework allowed the researchers to use their expertise and experiences in gaining in-depth understanding of the experiences of novice teachers. Interpretative or constructivist research â€Å"assumes that reality is socially constructed, that there is no single, observable reality† (Merriam, 2009, p.216). This paradigm states that because individuals have the natural propensity to seek meaning and understanding of the world, there are various interpretations of different events. The role of the researcher then is to construct knowledge about what is examined both from his/her perception and the respondents of the study. Data from an experimental methodology or quantitative research cannot substantiate the experiences that the researchers wish to investigate. Due to the nature of the problem and objectives that the researchers wished to attain, a longitudinal case study was employed. The researchers are highly involved in a sense that they had prior theoretical knowledge and experience about the topic. The constructivist/ interpretative approach ensured that the results gathered will reflect both the interpretations of the respondents and the researchers. It is crucial for the objectives of the study to gather data during the

Conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh Analysis Dissertation

Conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh Analysis Dissertation This dissertation focuses on the conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh; the origins of the conflict, its present state and the possible future. Throughout the dissertation several key aspects and theories of International relations are analysed, such as: peoples right to self determination, the concept of nation-state and conflict resolution. Firstly, the relevant theories of International relations are explored and an attempt is made to compare them with reality and to show their use in the real world. Secondly, a historical background of the conflict is described, followed by a description of the conflict from 1988 to 1995 and the peace talks. Thirdly, an analysis of the future of NK is examined, pointing out possible solutions and forms of reconciliation. Moreover, relevant questions are individually looked at. For over ten years NK has been on a path of nation-state building. NK sees itself as an independent republic, even with lack of international recognition. NK has a population of 141,000 and an area that covers 11,458.38  km2. (Official website of the President of NK, http://www.president.nkr.am/en/nkr/statePower/ , accessed on March 2, 2011). The map below show the situation of NK, they show both the NK Autonomous Oblast and the present NK state boundaries that include the occupied territories of Azerbaijan: THEORY: RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION As this dissertation deals with the de facto state of Nagorno-Karabakh, it analyses and explores International Law concerning peoples right to self determination and the consequent recognition of their state. Chapter 1, Article 1, part 2 of the United Nations Charter created in 1945 states that the aim of the UN is to: Develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace?. Article 1, part 1, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966 states the following: All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development?. (United Nations Charter 1945, available at: http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/ [accessed March 2 2011]) Moreover, the Declaration of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations of 24th October 1970 declares that: By virtue of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, all peoples have the right freely to determine, without external interference, their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development, and every State has the duty to respect this right in accordance with the provisions of the Charter.? (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966, available at http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/ccpr.htm [accessed march 2 2011]) The establishment of a sovereign and independent State, the free association or integration with an independent State or the emergence into any other political status freely determined by a people constitute modes of implementing the right of self-determination by that people?. (UN General Assembly, Declaration of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, 24 October 1970,  available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3dda1f104.html  [accessed March 2 2011] ). These legal statements show the core understanding and acceptance of the international community regarding the idea of peoples right to self determination. Even though some core aspects of these declarations can be vague in their practical sense, their overall message is not contested. By taking into account these and other declarations, the case for the people of NK becomes clearer. Presently, the problem lies with the idea that NK peoples right to self determination collides with Azerbaijans right to sovereignty, so what is the solution? According to Dr. Otto Luchterhandt, the director of East European Research Department (University of Hamburg): The right to self-determination is not only a political principle but a rule of existing international law. The people of Nagorny Karabakh are the subject of the right to self-determination. The people of Nagorny Karabakh can claim for the highest level fulfilment of the law of self-determination â€Å" secession from the state of Azerbaijan because on the one hand its restriction to the status of a national minority stands in no reasonable relation to its legitimate interests in development and protection, and on the other hand the measure of its oppression has reached such unbearable proportions, that remaining in the federation of Azerbaijan has become unacceptable and it has announced it will for self-determination in an unmistakable and convincing manner.? (Luchterhandt, Nagorny Karabakhs Right to State Independence According to International Law, Boston, 1993) To use international law in a discussion in the case for NK, specific proof has to be shown. There is also the argument that juridical legitimacy of borders and territorial integrity works against the self-determination principle, however this cannot be taken into account in the case of Azerbaijan SSR (Soviet Socialist Republic). Firstly, it must be stated that NK was an autonomous oblast (an administrative unit) within the Azerbaijan SSR, and that Azerbaijan SSR was not defined by state borders, it was defined by administrative borders, therefore the Helsinki Agreement Final Act in 1975 concerning territorial integrity cannot be applied. As Francois Mitterrand said: Why should the interior administrative borders of a state be automatically recognised as international ones? (Zargarian,1999). Secondly, on the 31st August 19941 the Azerbaijan SSR confirmed the restoration of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan that had been created from 1918 to 1920. This declaration leaves to question the legality of the present Azerbaijans borders, including the territories of NK, territories surrounding NK and Nakhijevan, as none of these were part of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan. In addition, it is well documented that in December 1920, Azerbaijan SSR accepted the territories of NK and Nakhijevan as belonging to Armenia. These declarations were later altered by Stalin, which at the times was Commissar of Nationalities. To further analyse, the value of state sovereignty of Azerbaijan should be graded as lower than the importance of sovereignty of a state in a normal situation, with reference to the system of states in the League of Nations, therefore it is lower than the NK peoples right to self determination. (Raschhofer, 1960) This notion gives support to the national right to self-determination of NKs people in right to secession over Azerbaijans state sovereignty. (Luchterhandt, 1993). To conclude, as the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh was founded after a referendum on state independence on 10th December 1991, resulting in a 98% acceptance, and in agreement with international and Soviet law, it should ultimately be acknowledged as genuine under international law. Moreover, precedent of Eritrea can be used, which showed that self proclamation leads to be under the power of international law. NK relationship with other countries, international organisations, and treaties such as the Geneva Convention, all give power for self-determination. HISTORY The name Nagorno-Karabakh has a mixture of 3 languages; Nagorno is in Russian meaning mountainous?, and Karabakh is in Turkic and Farsi meaning Black Garden?. However, the Armenians call it Artsakh, as it was one of the provinces of Greater Armenia, and it is mentioned as early as second century BC: the ancient provinces of Artsakh and Utik, situated between Lake Sevan, river Kara and river Araxes. (Strabo, 1st century BC.) During the centuries, NK has been mainly populated by ethnic Armenians, however there were periods in which during conquests other ethnic groups would settle, such as Caucasian Tatars, Caucasian Albanians (no connection to Albanians in Balkans), Persians and Turkic tribes. The recent conflict with Azerbaijan has unleashed a historical fact finding war, where the Azeris lay historical claims to these lands, and the Armenians refute them. The people living in NK point out to the obvious evidence, such as hundreds of ruins, ancient monuments, religious building, churches and monasteries. (Tchilingirian,1999). As one farmer said in regard to this: This monastery (Monastery of Gandzasar) kept us Armenian, the writings on these walls made us know who we are. There is a khachkar (cross-stone), the size of a car, on top of this mountain; our ancestors placed it there to indicate that this is Armenian land? (Martakert, 1995). To review the history of Artsakh a new dissertation can be written, therefore to keep in line with this dissertation, a review of more recent history is made. After 1918, when the Georgians, Armenians and Azeris took advantage of the chaos of the Russian Revolution to establish independent states, war broke out between Armenia and Azerbaijan, however by 1921 all three republic were under the rule of the Red Army. (Swietochowski, 1985) Originally, the Bolsheviks determined NKs problem: The Chairman of the Azerbaijani Revolutionary Committee (Azrevkom), Narimanov declared: The government of Workers and Peasants of Azerbaijan, having heard the news of the proclamation in Armenia in the name of the insurgent peasantry of the Soviet Socialist Republic, salutes the victory of the fraternal Armenian people. From this day forward, the former borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan are suspended. Mountainous Karabagh, Zangezur, and Nakhichevan are recognized as integral parts of the Socialist Republic of Armenia. Long live the fraternity and union of workers and peasants of Soviet Armenia and Azerbaijan.? (L. Chorbajian, P. Donabedian, C. Mutafian, 1994) The decision by Narimanov was acclaimed by the ethnic Armenians which thought that it was a fair decision. Moreover, Narimanov declared: no territorial conflict will cause bloodshed between these two age-old neighbourly peoples?. ( Chorbajian, Donabedian, Mutafian, 1994). Yerevans central authority henceforth declared: Based on the declaration of (Azrevkom) ¦it is hereby declared that Mountainous Karabagh is henceforth an integral part of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia? (Libaridian, 2004) This announcement was never realised, even if it was at the beginning supported by Stalin. Stalins view was that Karabagh should be given to Azerbaijan, in an effort to increase friendly relations with Turkey, which by then had aspirations to be a communist state. (Lane, 1992) It must be understood that Turks and Azeris are ethnically the same people. Even though the decision over NK was reached on July 4th 1921 in the Kavburo (Caucasian Bureau of the Communist Party): Based on the declaration of (Azrevkom) ¦it is hereby declared that Mountainous Karabagh is henceforth an integral part of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia? (Libaridian, 2004) The Kars and Moscow treaties were signed in October, giving Azerbaijan the control of NK. Thus, NKs Armenian populations (90% of NK) desire to unite with Armenia was ignored, creating ethnic tensions that would eventually end in full scale war. The Armenians tried to relocate NK to Armenia SSR in 1929, 1935, 1963, 1966, 1977 and 1987. The main reasons were the anti-Armenian discrimination, demographic shifts and economic underdevelopment. (Ulubabian, 1994) The Armenian population had declined by 25% from 1920 to 1979, due to hardships created by these discriminatory attitudes. The modern conflict started on February 1988, when due to the glasnost policy created by Gorbachev and its subsequent openness, the NK authorities asked to transfer the NK Autonomous Oblast to Armenia SSR. The reaction in Azerbaijan SSR was negative, as in 13th June it rejected this demand, on the other hand Armenia SSR on 15th June gave acceptance to this request. Due to the argument between Azerbaijan SSR and Armenia SSR, Moscow had to decide, and since Articles 73 and 78 of the 1977 USSR Constitution states that borders may only be changed if both republics agree on the change, NK stayed under Azerbaijans SSR authority, until the Soviet Union broke down in 1991. The conflict itself started with violence and ethnic-cleansing, with guerrilla warfare. Pogroms against Armenians started in Sumgait (near Baku) in February 1988 and in January 1990 in Baku. The Armenians of Baku (approximately 220,000) and from other parts of Azerbaijan were forced to flee, except in areas of NK. In return, Azeris in Armenia (160,000) were forced to leave, however no pogroms and mass violence was recorded, unlike in Baku. It was not until Yeltsin came to power that Russia sided with the Armenians, as before the USSR broke down the USSR Army was helping the Azeris. The Russians helped the Armenians with weapons, fuel and logistical support. The reason the Russians sided with the Armenians was because it was against Azerbaijans pro-Turkey and pro-Western positions. (Betts, 1999). Russias view was that Armenia was its only ally in the South Caucasus, and due to its geopolitical situation in regard to Turkey in Iran, help should be given. Full scale war broke out between 1991 and 1994 among the Azeri Army and the irregular Armenian guerrilla fighters. At the beginnings of 1992 the Azeris were in control of nearly half of NK, forcing out Armenian civilians as they advanced. Spring 1992 was when the advantage turned towards the Armenians, as their offensive pushed the Azeris to retreat. Once the city of Shushi was captured in May 8 1992, the Armenians had control of NK and the surrounding territories. It must be noted that the Armenian side was mostly fought by guerrilla fighters, which did not respond to any central authority in NK or Armenia. Most of the fighters or Fedayeen (Freedom Fighters), as the Armenians call them, were ordinary people without training or military weapons. The Armenians were helped by the Diaspora, which sent money, weapons and volunteers to help. The Azeri side brought mercenaries from Chechnya and mujahedeen from Pakistan and Afghanistan (approximately 3,000 fighters). (Taarnby, Michael. 2008 ) In May 1994 a cease fire was signed with Russia as intermediary in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. The ceasefire was signed by the Azerbaijani authorities and General Babayan from the NK Armed forces. The result of the war was that the Armenians ended up controlling 20% of Azerbaijans territory. An estimated 4,500 people died and 25,00 wounded from the Armenian side, and an estimated 30,000 died and 60,000 wounded on the Azeri side. (De Waal, 2003). CEASE FIRE AND PEACE TALKS Before the ceasefire agreement mediated by Russia, several attempts were made to find a solution. The first attempt was by Boris Yeltsin and Nursultan Nazarbayev on September 1991, it gave no fruit. Next mediation was by Iran on February 1992. Since Irans historical relationship with both the Armenians and the Azeris was close, it attempted to increase its dominance in the region, especially to push Turkey aside. The Tehran conference did not reach to any agreement. After this, CSCE (Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe) started to arbitrate, it also pressed Iran out of the negotiations, as the latter was not a member of CSCE, On August 1992, Nazarbayev tried again, but the mediation led to nowhere. CSCE tried on several occasions from 1992 until December 1994 to reach an agreement for both sides, but its inexperience and Russias parallel involvement made it fail. From May 1994, when the ceasefire was signed, several propositions were laid on the negotiation table, but NK was only to agree to a complete package?, while Azerbaijan pushed for a step by step? approach. ( Mooradian, 1999) To date, there has been no concrete agreement between the two parts. The main mediator is the Minsk Group, created in 1993 by the CSCE (now OSCE), even though the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan have met on various occasions, NKs government is still left out of any negotiations. CAN KOSOVO BE USED AS AN EXAMPLE? After the recognition of Kosovos independence, many other de facto states looked closely to see if it would set an example. Even though the states that have recognised Kosovo state that Kosovo cannot be used as a precedent, others may argue that it can and has. The main reason the international community uses to implicate the uniqueness of Kosovo is that it has been under UN and international control, while other de facto states like NK, Abkhazia and South Ossetia have not. To analyse the relevance of Kosovo, a comparison is made. The similarities with NK are various: both consist of a minority that sees itself discriminated, both conflicts started in an era of transition brought by the disintegration of the Soviet Union, both held referendums and used the peoples right to self determination idea. The differences must also be noted: NK can argue that before the transition era, it already was an Autonomous Oblast. NK has existed for longer, with relative better stability, and has made more progress on state-building, even though it received less international attention and financial support. (Murinson, 2004) Other differences are that NK is not accepted as a negotiating part in the peace process, Armenia acts as its representative. It can be argued that the Kosovo can be used as an example of a state gaining independence, however, the international community argues that it is a unique case, however this does not limit the political ramifications it has brought. Kosovos independence has given hope to other de facto states, who argue that in all, they should have a better chance in gaining independence than Kosovo. As the former President of NK stated: If the world community is ready to recognize the independence of Kosovo, I think it will be very hard for them to explain why they do not recognize Nagorno-Karabakh? (Yakubyan, 2006) And as the Speaker of NK Parliament said: A serious basis for the international recognition of our sovereignty, we have held free elections for 16 years, law-enforcement bodies are formed, powers are divided, [the] army is under civil control? (Karabakh Has Serious Grounds for International Recognition of Sovereignty «, in: Karabakh Open, 20 February 2008) To explain why Kosovo deserves international recognition and other de facto states in very similar positions do not is very hard, even by the same international community that accepted Kosovos independence. The reasons can vary from the official statement that Kosovo has been under international control, while other have not, but it is also correct to assume that other factors such as mutual interests among regional powers. Russias involvement in the NK peace process has many times thrown the Minsk Groups propositions away, as Russia can benefit from the no peace no war? situation over NK: it sells arms and heavy weaponry to both Armenia and Azerbaijan, arming both sides. WHY HAS ARMENIA NOT RECOGNISED NKS INDEPENDENCE? This question is very interesting in the sense that it would be logical that Armenia should be the first country in recognising the independence of NK, however there is one main reason of why it has not. The official Armenian response to these questions is that since Armenia has started: An international legal process of settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh  conflict, and this is why Armenia has still not recognized the enclaves independence? It  is for  the  same reason that Armenia has not recognized the independence of Kosovo, Oleg   Yesayan,   Armenian   ambassador   to   Belarus. (Alima Bissenova. (2008). Armenia links issue of Abkhazia, S. Ossetia to N.-Karabakh. Available: http://www.cacianalyst.org/?q=taxonomy/term/4page=6. Last accessed 20th January 2011.) However, due to the recent statements by Azerbaijan of taking NK back by force has made the Armenian side declare that it would recognise NK if war started: Armenia is categorically against a military resolution of the problem. In the event Azerbaijan unleashes a new military venture, Armenia will have no other choice but to recognize de jure the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh and provide for the safety of its population through all means,? President of Armenia, Serge Sarkisian Astana, Kazakhstan, December 2010. EuroAsia. (2010). Armenia Says Will Recognize Karabakh In Case Of War. Available: http://www.eurasianet.org/node/62556. Last accessed 20th January 2011 One could argue that Armenia should recognise NK, in the same manner as Russia has recognised Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The recognition of NK would give Armenia legal right to aid NK in case war started with Azerbaijan. Moreover, some argue that if Armenia does not recognise NK in the foreseeable future, the status and issue of NK could be forgotten to history, as it would lose its momentum in the pursuit for recognition. RECOMENDATIONS From the overall analysis of the NK conflict and other similar conflicts around the world, some basic and concrete to the NK case recommendations can be made: OSCE and other international peace organisations should look to include NK in the negotiation process as an independent actor, like they did with the ceasefire agreement. International organisations should pave the way to stipulate better assurances for non resumption of armed conflict. The line of fire should be closely observed for ceasefire violations. Programs should be developed in order to teach both societies about tolerance, reconciliation and mutual respect. International organisations should look to integrate the public in debates and discussions, and rely less on top-down approaches. (Faber, 2005) International organisations should push for a peacekeeping force to be deployed on the contact line, it should also try to organise a new referendum under the eyes of international observers, henceforth push for a lawful democratisation and a peace settlement. (Freizer, 2006) Governments in Armenia, NK, and Azerbaijan should start to include conflict resolution and prevention, peace building and peacekeeping, human rights programmes at schools and universities, in order to increase public awareness. NGOs should create projects along with the civil society to educate the population about the conflict and conciliation for peace. Finally, an international recognition of NK would ensure a peaceful settlement of the conflict, and would make NK answerable to international law. Moreover, NK would have access to loans from the IMF or the WB, thus being able to develop better as a state. Open borders with Azerbaijan would bolster trade, and maybe bring trust between the people. CONCLUSION The conflict of NK is very complicated to be able to analyse without going into much detail. There are many arguments for and against certain strategies, using international law, international recognition, state sovereignty, refugees, and many others, but one thing is being ignored; the fact that NK has been acting like any other recognised democratic state for over 15 years. NKs human rights violations, degree of democracy and transparency and corruption are all better than Armenia or Azerbaijan, (Freedom House, 2011) yet still there is little advance among the international community in recognising NK. Some may add that the West uses double standards: Weve got used to the double standards of the West. I believe that the people of South Ossetia have much more reason for gaining independence than the Kosovan Albanians.? (Yuri Morozov, Prime Minister of South Ossetia). In my opinion, the West does not fully use double standards, but approaches the question very surgically, since it un derstands the uniqueness of every conflict, and that it could be disastrous to use one peace settlement in another area, as every conflict has its own inimitable dynamics. I think that NK pace to independence is correct, as sooner or later it will have to be recognised, it should continue developing its government in order to set an example. In the near future two outcomes are possible, either an international recognition of NK or war will break out, it is inevitable, as both sides continue arming themselves, therefore it in my opinion it is in the best interest that of the international community to prevent such hostilities by recognizing NK. As Chekov said: If in the first act you have hung a pistol on the wall, then in the following one it should be fired. Otherwise dont put it there. (A. P. Chekhov, in Teatr i iskusstvo 1904, No. 28, 11 July, p. 521) Conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh Analysis Dissertation Conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh Analysis Dissertation This dissertation focuses on the conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh; the origins of the conflict, its present state and the possible future. Throughout the dissertation several key aspects and theories of International relations are analysed, such as: peoples right to self determination, the concept of nation-state and conflict resolution. Firstly, the relevant theories of International relations are explored and an attempt is made to compare them with reality and to show their use in the real world. Secondly, a historical background of the conflict is described, followed by a description of the conflict from 1988 to 1995 and the peace talks. Thirdly, an analysis of the future of NK is examined, pointing out possible solutions and forms of reconciliation. Moreover, relevant questions are individually looked at. For over ten years NK has been on a path of nation-state building. NK sees itself as an independent republic, even with lack of international recognition. NK has a population of 141,000 and an area that covers 11,458.38  km2. (Official website of the President of NK, http://www.president.nkr.am/en/nkr/statePower/ , accessed on March 2, 2011). The map below show the situation of NK, they show both the NK Autonomous Oblast and the present NK state boundaries that include the occupied territories of Azerbaijan: THEORY: RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION As this dissertation deals with the de facto state of Nagorno-Karabakh, it analyses and explores International Law concerning peoples right to self determination and the consequent recognition of their state. Chapter 1, Article 1, part 2 of the United Nations Charter created in 1945 states that the aim of the UN is to: Develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace?. Article 1, part 1, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966 states the following: All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development?. (United Nations Charter 1945, available at: http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/ [accessed March 2 2011]) Moreover, the Declaration of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations of 24th October 1970 declares that: By virtue of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, all peoples have the right freely to determine, without external interference, their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development, and every State has the duty to respect this right in accordance with the provisions of the Charter.? (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966, available at http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/ccpr.htm [accessed march 2 2011]) The establishment of a sovereign and independent State, the free association or integration with an independent State or the emergence into any other political status freely determined by a people constitute modes of implementing the right of self-determination by that people?. (UN General Assembly, Declaration of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, 24 October 1970,  available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3dda1f104.html  [accessed March 2 2011] ). These legal statements show the core understanding and acceptance of the international community regarding the idea of peoples right to self determination. Even though some core aspects of these declarations can be vague in their practical sense, their overall message is not contested. By taking into account these and other declarations, the case for the people of NK becomes clearer. Presently, the problem lies with the idea that NK peoples right to self determination collides with Azerbaijans right to sovereignty, so what is the solution? According to Dr. Otto Luchterhandt, the director of East European Research Department (University of Hamburg): The right to self-determination is not only a political principle but a rule of existing international law. The people of Nagorny Karabakh are the subject of the right to self-determination. The people of Nagorny Karabakh can claim for the highest level fulfilment of the law of self-determination â€Å" secession from the state of Azerbaijan because on the one hand its restriction to the status of a national minority stands in no reasonable relation to its legitimate interests in development and protection, and on the other hand the measure of its oppression has reached such unbearable proportions, that remaining in the federation of Azerbaijan has become unacceptable and it has announced it will for self-determination in an unmistakable and convincing manner.? (Luchterhandt, Nagorny Karabakhs Right to State Independence According to International Law, Boston, 1993) To use international law in a discussion in the case for NK, specific proof has to be shown. There is also the argument that juridical legitimacy of borders and territorial integrity works against the self-determination principle, however this cannot be taken into account in the case of Azerbaijan SSR (Soviet Socialist Republic). Firstly, it must be stated that NK was an autonomous oblast (an administrative unit) within the Azerbaijan SSR, and that Azerbaijan SSR was not defined by state borders, it was defined by administrative borders, therefore the Helsinki Agreement Final Act in 1975 concerning territorial integrity cannot be applied. As Francois Mitterrand said: Why should the interior administrative borders of a state be automatically recognised as international ones? (Zargarian,1999). Secondly, on the 31st August 19941 the Azerbaijan SSR confirmed the restoration of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan that had been created from 1918 to 1920. This declaration leaves to question the legality of the present Azerbaijans borders, including the territories of NK, territories surrounding NK and Nakhijevan, as none of these were part of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan. In addition, it is well documented that in December 1920, Azerbaijan SSR accepted the territories of NK and Nakhijevan as belonging to Armenia. These declarations were later altered by Stalin, which at the times was Commissar of Nationalities. To further analyse, the value of state sovereignty of Azerbaijan should be graded as lower than the importance of sovereignty of a state in a normal situation, with reference to the system of states in the League of Nations, therefore it is lower than the NK peoples right to self determination. (Raschhofer, 1960) This notion gives support to the national right to self-determination of NKs people in right to secession over Azerbaijans state sovereignty. (Luchterhandt, 1993). To conclude, as the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh was founded after a referendum on state independence on 10th December 1991, resulting in a 98% acceptance, and in agreement with international and Soviet law, it should ultimately be acknowledged as genuine under international law. Moreover, precedent of Eritrea can be used, which showed that self proclamation leads to be under the power of international law. NK relationship with other countries, international organisations, and treaties such as the Geneva Convention, all give power for self-determination. HISTORY The name Nagorno-Karabakh has a mixture of 3 languages; Nagorno is in Russian meaning mountainous?, and Karabakh is in Turkic and Farsi meaning Black Garden?. However, the Armenians call it Artsakh, as it was one of the provinces of Greater Armenia, and it is mentioned as early as second century BC: the ancient provinces of Artsakh and Utik, situated between Lake Sevan, river Kara and river Araxes. (Strabo, 1st century BC.) During the centuries, NK has been mainly populated by ethnic Armenians, however there were periods in which during conquests other ethnic groups would settle, such as Caucasian Tatars, Caucasian Albanians (no connection to Albanians in Balkans), Persians and Turkic tribes. The recent conflict with Azerbaijan has unleashed a historical fact finding war, where the Azeris lay historical claims to these lands, and the Armenians refute them. The people living in NK point out to the obvious evidence, such as hundreds of ruins, ancient monuments, religious building, churches and monasteries. (Tchilingirian,1999). As one farmer said in regard to this: This monastery (Monastery of Gandzasar) kept us Armenian, the writings on these walls made us know who we are. There is a khachkar (cross-stone), the size of a car, on top of this mountain; our ancestors placed it there to indicate that this is Armenian land? (Martakert, 1995). To review the history of Artsakh a new dissertation can be written, therefore to keep in line with this dissertation, a review of more recent history is made. After 1918, when the Georgians, Armenians and Azeris took advantage of the chaos of the Russian Revolution to establish independent states, war broke out between Armenia and Azerbaijan, however by 1921 all three republic were under the rule of the Red Army. (Swietochowski, 1985) Originally, the Bolsheviks determined NKs problem: The Chairman of the Azerbaijani Revolutionary Committee (Azrevkom), Narimanov declared: The government of Workers and Peasants of Azerbaijan, having heard the news of the proclamation in Armenia in the name of the insurgent peasantry of the Soviet Socialist Republic, salutes the victory of the fraternal Armenian people. From this day forward, the former borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan are suspended. Mountainous Karabagh, Zangezur, and Nakhichevan are recognized as integral parts of the Socialist Republic of Armenia. Long live the fraternity and union of workers and peasants of Soviet Armenia and Azerbaijan.? (L. Chorbajian, P. Donabedian, C. Mutafian, 1994) The decision by Narimanov was acclaimed by the ethnic Armenians which thought that it was a fair decision. Moreover, Narimanov declared: no territorial conflict will cause bloodshed between these two age-old neighbourly peoples?. ( Chorbajian, Donabedian, Mutafian, 1994). Yerevans central authority henceforth declared: Based on the declaration of (Azrevkom) ¦it is hereby declared that Mountainous Karabagh is henceforth an integral part of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia? (Libaridian, 2004) This announcement was never realised, even if it was at the beginning supported by Stalin. Stalins view was that Karabagh should be given to Azerbaijan, in an effort to increase friendly relations with Turkey, which by then had aspirations to be a communist state. (Lane, 1992) It must be understood that Turks and Azeris are ethnically the same people. Even though the decision over NK was reached on July 4th 1921 in the Kavburo (Caucasian Bureau of the Communist Party): Based on the declaration of (Azrevkom) ¦it is hereby declared that Mountainous Karabagh is henceforth an integral part of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia? (Libaridian, 2004) The Kars and Moscow treaties were signed in October, giving Azerbaijan the control of NK. Thus, NKs Armenian populations (90% of NK) desire to unite with Armenia was ignored, creating ethnic tensions that would eventually end in full scale war. The Armenians tried to relocate NK to Armenia SSR in 1929, 1935, 1963, 1966, 1977 and 1987. The main reasons were the anti-Armenian discrimination, demographic shifts and economic underdevelopment. (Ulubabian, 1994) The Armenian population had declined by 25% from 1920 to 1979, due to hardships created by these discriminatory attitudes. The modern conflict started on February 1988, when due to the glasnost policy created by Gorbachev and its subsequent openness, the NK authorities asked to transfer the NK Autonomous Oblast to Armenia SSR. The reaction in Azerbaijan SSR was negative, as in 13th June it rejected this demand, on the other hand Armenia SSR on 15th June gave acceptance to this request. Due to the argument between Azerbaijan SSR and Armenia SSR, Moscow had to decide, and since Articles 73 and 78 of the 1977 USSR Constitution states that borders may only be changed if both republics agree on the change, NK stayed under Azerbaijans SSR authority, until the Soviet Union broke down in 1991. The conflict itself started with violence and ethnic-cleansing, with guerrilla warfare. Pogroms against Armenians started in Sumgait (near Baku) in February 1988 and in January 1990 in Baku. The Armenians of Baku (approximately 220,000) and from other parts of Azerbaijan were forced to flee, except in areas of NK. In return, Azeris in Armenia (160,000) were forced to leave, however no pogroms and mass violence was recorded, unlike in Baku. It was not until Yeltsin came to power that Russia sided with the Armenians, as before the USSR broke down the USSR Army was helping the Azeris. The Russians helped the Armenians with weapons, fuel and logistical support. The reason the Russians sided with the Armenians was because it was against Azerbaijans pro-Turkey and pro-Western positions. (Betts, 1999). Russias view was that Armenia was its only ally in the South Caucasus, and due to its geopolitical situation in regard to Turkey in Iran, help should be given. Full scale war broke out between 1991 and 1994 among the Azeri Army and the irregular Armenian guerrilla fighters. At the beginnings of 1992 the Azeris were in control of nearly half of NK, forcing out Armenian civilians as they advanced. Spring 1992 was when the advantage turned towards the Armenians, as their offensive pushed the Azeris to retreat. Once the city of Shushi was captured in May 8 1992, the Armenians had control of NK and the surrounding territories. It must be noted that the Armenian side was mostly fought by guerrilla fighters, which did not respond to any central authority in NK or Armenia. Most of the fighters or Fedayeen (Freedom Fighters), as the Armenians call them, were ordinary people without training or military weapons. The Armenians were helped by the Diaspora, which sent money, weapons and volunteers to help. The Azeri side brought mercenaries from Chechnya and mujahedeen from Pakistan and Afghanistan (approximately 3,000 fighters). (Taarnby, Michael. 2008 ) In May 1994 a cease fire was signed with Russia as intermediary in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. The ceasefire was signed by the Azerbaijani authorities and General Babayan from the NK Armed forces. The result of the war was that the Armenians ended up controlling 20% of Azerbaijans territory. An estimated 4,500 people died and 25,00 wounded from the Armenian side, and an estimated 30,000 died and 60,000 wounded on the Azeri side. (De Waal, 2003). CEASE FIRE AND PEACE TALKS Before the ceasefire agreement mediated by Russia, several attempts were made to find a solution. The first attempt was by Boris Yeltsin and Nursultan Nazarbayev on September 1991, it gave no fruit. Next mediation was by Iran on February 1992. Since Irans historical relationship with both the Armenians and the Azeris was close, it attempted to increase its dominance in the region, especially to push Turkey aside. The Tehran conference did not reach to any agreement. After this, CSCE (Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe) started to arbitrate, it also pressed Iran out of the negotiations, as the latter was not a member of CSCE, On August 1992, Nazarbayev tried again, but the mediation led to nowhere. CSCE tried on several occasions from 1992 until December 1994 to reach an agreement for both sides, but its inexperience and Russias parallel involvement made it fail. From May 1994, when the ceasefire was signed, several propositions were laid on the negotiation table, but NK was only to agree to a complete package?, while Azerbaijan pushed for a step by step? approach. ( Mooradian, 1999) To date, there has been no concrete agreement between the two parts. The main mediator is the Minsk Group, created in 1993 by the CSCE (now OSCE), even though the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan have met on various occasions, NKs government is still left out of any negotiations. CAN KOSOVO BE USED AS AN EXAMPLE? After the recognition of Kosovos independence, many other de facto states looked closely to see if it would set an example. Even though the states that have recognised Kosovo state that Kosovo cannot be used as a precedent, others may argue that it can and has. The main reason the international community uses to implicate the uniqueness of Kosovo is that it has been under UN and international control, while other de facto states like NK, Abkhazia and South Ossetia have not. To analyse the relevance of Kosovo, a comparison is made. The similarities with NK are various: both consist of a minority that sees itself discriminated, both conflicts started in an era of transition brought by the disintegration of the Soviet Union, both held referendums and used the peoples right to self determination idea. The differences must also be noted: NK can argue that before the transition era, it already was an Autonomous Oblast. NK has existed for longer, with relative better stability, and has made more progress on state-building, even though it received less international attention and financial support. (Murinson, 2004) Other differences are that NK is not accepted as a negotiating part in the peace process, Armenia acts as its representative. It can be argued that the Kosovo can be used as an example of a state gaining independence, however, the international community argues that it is a unique case, however this does not limit the political ramifications it has brought. Kosovos independence has given hope to other de facto states, who argue that in all, they should have a better chance in gaining independence than Kosovo. As the former President of NK stated: If the world community is ready to recognize the independence of Kosovo, I think it will be very hard for them to explain why they do not recognize Nagorno-Karabakh? (Yakubyan, 2006) And as the Speaker of NK Parliament said: A serious basis for the international recognition of our sovereignty, we have held free elections for 16 years, law-enforcement bodies are formed, powers are divided, [the] army is under civil control? (Karabakh Has Serious Grounds for International Recognition of Sovereignty «, in: Karabakh Open, 20 February 2008) To explain why Kosovo deserves international recognition and other de facto states in very similar positions do not is very hard, even by the same international community that accepted Kosovos independence. The reasons can vary from the official statement that Kosovo has been under international control, while other have not, but it is also correct to assume that other factors such as mutual interests among regional powers. Russias involvement in the NK peace process has many times thrown the Minsk Groups propositions away, as Russia can benefit from the no peace no war? situation over NK: it sells arms and heavy weaponry to both Armenia and Azerbaijan, arming both sides. WHY HAS ARMENIA NOT RECOGNISED NKS INDEPENDENCE? This question is very interesting in the sense that it would be logical that Armenia should be the first country in recognising the independence of NK, however there is one main reason of why it has not. The official Armenian response to these questions is that since Armenia has started: An international legal process of settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh  conflict, and this is why Armenia has still not recognized the enclaves independence? It  is for  the  same reason that Armenia has not recognized the independence of Kosovo, Oleg   Yesayan,   Armenian   ambassador   to   Belarus. (Alima Bissenova. (2008). Armenia links issue of Abkhazia, S. Ossetia to N.-Karabakh. Available: http://www.cacianalyst.org/?q=taxonomy/term/4page=6. Last accessed 20th January 2011.) However, due to the recent statements by Azerbaijan of taking NK back by force has made the Armenian side declare that it would recognise NK if war started: Armenia is categorically against a military resolution of the problem. In the event Azerbaijan unleashes a new military venture, Armenia will have no other choice but to recognize de jure the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh and provide for the safety of its population through all means,? President of Armenia, Serge Sarkisian Astana, Kazakhstan, December 2010. EuroAsia. (2010). Armenia Says Will Recognize Karabakh In Case Of War. Available: http://www.eurasianet.org/node/62556. Last accessed 20th January 2011 One could argue that Armenia should recognise NK, in the same manner as Russia has recognised Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The recognition of NK would give Armenia legal right to aid NK in case war started with Azerbaijan. Moreover, some argue that if Armenia does not recognise NK in the foreseeable future, the status and issue of NK could be forgotten to history, as it would lose its momentum in the pursuit for recognition. RECOMENDATIONS From the overall analysis of the NK conflict and other similar conflicts around the world, some basic and concrete to the NK case recommendations can be made: OSCE and other international peace organisations should look to include NK in the negotiation process as an independent actor, like they did with the ceasefire agreement. International organisations should pave the way to stipulate better assurances for non resumption of armed conflict. The line of fire should be closely observed for ceasefire violations. Programs should be developed in order to teach both societies about tolerance, reconciliation and mutual respect. International organisations should look to integrate the public in debates and discussions, and rely less on top-down approaches. (Faber, 2005) International organisations should push for a peacekeeping force to be deployed on the contact line, it should also try to organise a new referendum under the eyes of international observers, henceforth push for a lawful democratisation and a peace settlement. (Freizer, 2006) Governments in Armenia, NK, and Azerbaijan should start to include conflict resolution and prevention, peace building and peacekeeping, human rights programmes at schools and universities, in order to increase public awareness. NGOs should create projects along with the civil society to educate the population about the conflict and conciliation for peace. Finally, an international recognition of NK would ensure a peaceful settlement of the conflict, and would make NK answerable to international law. Moreover, NK would have access to loans from the IMF or the WB, thus being able to develop better as a state. Open borders with Azerbaijan would bolster trade, and maybe bring trust between the people. CONCLUSION The conflict of NK is very complicated to be able to analyse without going into much detail. There are many arguments for and against certain strategies, using international law, international recognition, state sovereignty, refugees, and many others, but one thing is being ignored; the fact that NK has been acting like any other recognised democratic state for over 15 years. NKs human rights violations, degree of democracy and transparency and corruption are all better than Armenia or Azerbaijan, (Freedom House, 2011) yet still there is little advance among the international community in recognising NK. Some may add that the West uses double standards: Weve got used to the double standards of the West. I believe that the people of South Ossetia have much more reason for gaining independence than the Kosovan Albanians.? (Yuri Morozov, Prime Minister of South Ossetia). In my opinion, the West does not fully use double standards, but approaches the question very surgically, since it un derstands the uniqueness of every conflict, and that it could be disastrous to use one peace settlement in another area, as every conflict has its own inimitable dynamics. I think that NK pace to independence is correct, as sooner or later it will have to be recognised, it should continue developing its government in order to set an example. In the near future two outcomes are possible, either an international recognition of NK or war will break out, it is inevitable, as both sides continue arming themselves, therefore it in my opinion it is in the best interest that of the international community to prevent such hostilities by recognizing NK. As Chekov said: If in the first act you have hung a pistol on the wall, then in the following one it should be fired. Otherwise dont put it there. (A. P. Chekhov, in Teatr i iskusstvo 1904, No. 28, 11 July, p. 521)

Assignment: The Welfare Reform Act Essay

The Welfare Reform Act is better known as the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, this was created by former President Clinton. Clinton vowed to stop welfare, he wanted it to be someone’s right not just a privilege to receive aid. Clinton wanted to help the needy people who actually needed help, but many people were angry with the changes that it made. Clinton did not think that people’s reactions would be so negative, but they were. Medicaid did not change the way that they it provides coverage to members, but it changed how many people it covered. Clinton did not want to continue seeing his country become dependent on the assistance, he wanted to increase the employment rate. There were too many children that were living in poverty and Clinton seen a cycle that he knew he had to break. The Welfare Reform Act did not cause too many of the beneficiaries to lose their necessary coverage, they were still able to receive the coverage if they qualified. The law stated that if you were poor enough you could still receive the health insurance. It is good because people can still work and get the health insurance if they do not make too much, because a lot of times jobs do not offer private insurance to their employees. The law did affect immigrants, the immigrants that were here illegally were no longer to receive health insurance and those that came to the United States legally had to wait five years before they could qualify for insurance if they were poor enough at the time. There were many providers that were affected in a negative way because many of them treated Medicaid patients at the time of the Welfare Reform Act. Providers like hospitals and clinics had to face the fact they would lose many patients and have more people who would try and receive free services. There were certain states that had more immigrants than others who had to choose between helping those patients and turning them away when they no longer could receive any health insurance, unless they got other help from the state (Ku, & Coughlin, 2010). The Act did cut the percent of people who received Medicaid, like the illegal immigrants and those that no longer qualified, but if you were needy it is more than likely that you still qualified for insurance. It varies from each state; there are some states that may be able to help more than others because they have more state funds. According to ( Ku, & Coughlin, 2010), â€Å"A larger category of people,  immigrants entering the United States after August 1996, will no longer be eligible for full Medicaid coverage, although they remain entitled to emergency care coverage†. Most people who qualify still could receive assistance if they were needy. The Welfare Reform Act has decreased the amount of fraud and has also increased the amount of people who are working. Many people were forced to go to job programs, to ensure that they had the necessary tools to get back on their own feet. If you wanted to receive TANF this was a requirement. Before this act was in place there were many people out there that were taking advantage of the system, people were getting to use to the money and other assistance that was easy to get. The new law was made to put a stop to the way that things were headed to. The new generation has a better chance at succeeding in life because there is more help out there. You can still get health insurance, cash aid, and food stamps; you just have to actually be in need. The law only requires that you do what you can to be able to do it all on your own and they will help along the way. There are many people that probably wish that things were the same as they were before this law was put in place, but things are still continuing to get better. According to research, â€Å"Some 2.9 million fewer children live in poverty today than in 1995† (Rector, & Fagan, 2003), that is a very large amount. The percent of children that were living in hunger went down and the amount of people who were having children out of wedlock has also gone down (Rector, & Fagan, 2003). The new act makes sure that the adults who are asking for the assistance go to a job program that helps you to get on your feet and be able to take care of your family without any assistance. All of these things have turned out to be more positive than negative, so it is good that our former President Clinton brought a change to America. References: Ku, L., Coughlin, T. A. (2010). How the New Welfare Reform Law Affects Medicaid. Urban Institute, p.1 Retrieved October 3, 2010 from http://www.urban.org/publications/307037.html Rector, R., & Fagan, P. Ph. D. (2003). The continuing good news about welfare reform. The Heritage Foundation, p.1. Retrieved October 3, 2010 from http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2003/02/the-continuing-good-news